Enough is enough. It’s time to shatter the silence, confront the taboos, and ignite a crucial conversation about anti-Black racism and discrimination deeply rooted within Moroccan society. This urgent call to action echoes from young Black Moroccan activists who are leveraging social networks to organize, share experiences, and build solidarity. Platforms like “Black Moroccans” and “The Mazeej project” on Instagram and Facebook serve as digital spaces for connection and resistance.
While racism is a global scourge, its manifestations are uniquely shaped by context. In Morocco, anti-Black racism is not only pervasive but also often vehemently denied by non-Black Moroccans. This denial persists despite Morocco’s long history as a participant in the trans-Saharan slave trade for over thirteen centuries, and the continued socio-economic marginalization of its Black minority population into the modern era.
On the ground, activists fighting against anti-Black racism in Morocco highlight the casual yet deeply ingrained contempt directed at Black Arabs and Berbers, and Black people in general. This prejudice is starkly evident in the everyday language used by “white” or non-Black Moroccans to refer to their Black compatriots. Terms like Al-Abd (Slave), Al-Khadem (Servant), Al-Hartani (Freed black slave), Al-Azzi (a term laden with derogatory connotations, akin to “Negro” or “Nigger”), and Al-Kahlouch (Blackie) are casually deployed, often without a second thought about their deeply offensive nature. The phrase “Wena Kahlouch? (And me, am I a Blackie?)” is even used flippantly when white Moroccans joke about being asked to perform an undesirable task.
The dehumanization of Black people in Morocco extends to animalistic comparisons. Black individuals, particularly migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa, are frequently denigrated with terms like qird (monkey), khanzir (pig), akil lahmi albashar (cannibal), and hayawan (animal). Mocking sounds mimicking monkeys are also used as racial slurs. Adding insult to injury, Black Moroccans often face the dismissive question M’Nenty (Where are you from?) from fellow citizens, implying that “true Moroccans” are exclusively white and erasing the long-standing presence and heritage of Black communities within the nation.
It should be self-evident, yet tragically isn’t in Morocco, that using words like “slave” (Abd) and “servant” (Khadem) to address Black people is inherently racist and offensive. However, many Moroccans deny the racist implications, using these terms freely and dismissing accusations of racism as unfounded. Black Moroccans unequivocally state that terms like Azzi, Kahlouch, and others are not perceived as terms of endearment or lighthearted humor, contrary to the claims of some non-black Moroccans. They are acutely aware that when non-Black Moroccans mock dark skin or tightly curled hair, they are perpetrating racist micro-aggressions designed to inflict pain and reinforce subjugation.
Morocco prides itself on its diversity as a nation and acknowledges its post-slavery status. Yet, this diversity, the historical weight of slavery within Morocco, and the persistent racism and discrimination endemic to post-slave societies are glaringly absent from school curricula, inadequately addressed in legal frameworks, and largely undiscussed within non-Black Moroccan households. The Moroccan monarchy and government often deflect concerns about racism by asserting that Moroccan law prohibits discrimination based on color and guarantees equal opportunities for all citizens. They argue that accusations of racism beyond formal legal discrimination are fabricated by activists promoting fitna (sedition and national disunity). In a striking example of this denial, the Moroccan government rejected an application in 2012 to establish an association dedicated to combating anti-Black racism, claiming that race is not a relevant concept in Moroccan society and therefore racism cannot exist. Activists also speculate that the government’s reluctance to address anti-Black racism may stem from anxieties about a potential anti-racism movement intersecting with the ongoing Western Sahara/Southern Provinces conflict, given that a significant portion of Black Moroccans reside in the southern regions of the country.
Black Moroccans: Woven into the Fabric of Moroccan History
Despite persistent denials, Morocco is undeniably a nation characterized by ethnic and racial diversity, where different groups experience varying degrees of discrimination.
In the broader context of a monarchical authoritarian system, where state control is maintained through security apparatuses and patronage networks, many Moroccans across different groups experience discrimination. Furthermore, Amazigh (Berbers), who often identify as white and claim indigenous status, constitute a substantial segment of the Moroccan population and have historically faced discrimination. It’s worth noting that since the 1990s, Morocco has made notable strides in recognizing Amazigh identity and culture.
However, similar progress has not been extended to recognizing Morocco’s Black population, including the historical presence of indigenous Black communities in the south and the enduring impact of the trans-Saharan slave trade. The Moroccan government does not collect demographic data based on race, making it impossible to ascertain the precise number of Black Moroccans. Nevertheless, Black Moroccans represent a significant portion of the population. “White” Arabs and Berbers in Morocco were deeply involved in the trans-Saharan slave trade for thirteen centuries. As recently as the 20th century, owning Black slaves in Morocco was considered a status symbol. Enslaved women were often forced into domestic service and concubinage, while men were made to work in fields, tend livestock, or serve as domestic servants. These enslaved individuals adopted the surnames and tribal affiliations of their masters, and their descendants remained within these households. Prominent Moroccan figures like feminist scholar Fatima Mernissi and celebrated author Tahar Ben Jelloun have written about Black slaves within their family households in the 1950s. Recent DNA analysis reveals that a significant portion – between a quarter and a half – of contemporary Morocco’s female gene pool originates from typical Black sub-Saharan lineages.
Morocco also has a notable history of Black slave soldiers. Moulay Ismail (1672-1727), the second sultan of the current Alaouite dynasty, profited immensely from the trans-Saharan slave trade. He enslaved Black Moroccans to create a formidable army and Black Guard, known as the Abid al-Bukhari, which numbered over 100,000 men. Some descendants of the Abid al-Bukhari still reside and work within the royal palace compound today.
Centuries of slavery, concubinage, and intermingling have resulted in a contemporary Moroccan population that exists on a color spectrum, rather than a clear-cut black and white dichotomy. Despite this reality, a pervasive national and familial silence shrouds the history of slavery and its enduring legacy – racism – in Morocco. These topics remain largely taboo. This denial and silence, reflected even in the educational curriculum, is part of a broader national narrative that fails to acknowledge the vast scale of the trans-Saharan slave trade and the existence of Morocco’s marginalized Black minority community, whose stories remain largely untold. This silence perpetuates a society defined by color lines and rigid social hierarchies. Many Moroccans actively distance themselves from blackness through practices like using skin-lightening creams, facial scrubs, hair straightening, and constructing ethnic and cultural identities that effectively exclude a significant portion of their own population – the countless sub-Saharan Africans brought to Morocco through the trans-Saharan slave trade.
The lives of Black Moroccans have been further complicated in recent decades by the influx of tens of thousands of sub-Saharan African migrants seeking passage to Europe, educational opportunities, or better prospects within Morocco. These migrants have faced intense racism and violence within Morocco.
Recent Strides in Storytelling
Recently, a significant shift has begun to emerge as Black Moroccans – both descendants of enslaved people and indigenous Black Moroccans – have started to reclaim their narratives and share their stories on social media platforms. While these efforts are vital, they have primarily remained within elite circles on platforms like Instagram and Facebook. These online movements have not yet translated into a widespread civil rights movement dedicated to eradicating anti-Black racism in Morocco, nor have they effectively established formal civil society organizations to champion this cause. Interestingly, several formal associations have been formed to combat racism directed at Black migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa. King Mohamed VI even enacted legislation to assist a limited number of these migrants in obtaining work permits within the Kingdom. The reasons for this disparity in focus are complex. As previously mentioned, the Moroccan government’s denial of the very existence of race as a relevant social category in 2012 hindered the formation of anti-Black racism organizations. Furthermore, high-profile incidents of violence, including murders, against Sub-Saharan Africans in Morocco have spurred campaigns and organizations specifically addressing this form of virulent racism.
Black Moroccans: Amplifying Voices on Instagram
Anti-racism activist Fatima-Zahra Quatabou recently launched the Instagram platform “Black Moroccans” as a dedicated space to promote eight key objectives:
- Showcase the talents of Moroccans of color.
- Challenge and dismantle preconceived notions about race within Morocco.
- Shed light on the history of the slave trade in Morocco through books, reports, and visual media.
- Celebrate the beauty of the genetic diversity of the Moroccan people.
- Publicly denounce all forms of racial discrimination within Morocco.
- Initiate open dialogue about the legacies of slavery and ongoing discrimination.
- Raise awareness, and further raise awareness about Negrophobia (anti-Black racism) in Morocco.
- Facilitate the establishment of a formal civil society association dedicated to combating anti-Black racism in Morocco.
Ms. Quatabou, a well-educated woman in her twenties with relatively dark skin, is driven by a desire to challenge prevailing Moroccan beauty standards that equate “whiteness” with attractiveness. Curly or kinky hair, in particular, is often denigrated in Morocco.
For Ms. Quatabou, anti-Black racism in Morocco feels deeply entrenched, almost timeless, making change seem daunting. She points to the casual use of the offensive term Azzi by non-black Moroccans to identify Black individuals. Non-Black Moroccans often believe this term is not insulting and that Black Moroccans accept it without offense, justifying its continued use. However, Ms. Quatabou and other Black Moroccans find terms like ‘Abd, Khadam, Kahlouch, and other derogatory labels equally offensive.
“Of course, those words offend me,” Ms. Quatabou asserts. “There are even Berber words still used today by that community to verbally insult Blacks. I think the education system needs to include lessons on all forms of slavery that have taken place in Morocco in order to raise awareness (We don’t learn this in history lessons). To stop these verbal assaults, we must break the taboos. We need campaigns against Negrophobia (anti-Black racism). We need seminars, TEDx, books, podcasts, reports. We must also highlight the experiences of black Moroccans so that people understand that words hurt and can hinder the healthy construction of Moroccan adults. We need to see more diversity on screen; highlight the beauty of the genetic diversity of Moroccans. We have to teach people to question themselves. Show off successful black Moroccans; display the reality that we are just as smart and bright as the rest of society. Make us more visible. Show that we are here; that we exist. That our future is not mapped out as only workers in the fields or sellers of knick-knacks. There is a HUGE educational gap, and as long as it is there, received ideas about slavery and black inferiority will continue to take hold in Morocco.”
Ms. Quatabou emphasizes that progress hinges on dismantling the social taboo surrounding discussions of slavery and racism in Morocco:
“Slavery and anti-Black racism are taboo subjects in Morocco. Moroccans are in huge denial and feel that racism does not exist in Morocco because one, we are all Muslims and Muslims are all brothers; and two, they only acknowledge regional prejudices while minimizing the legacy of slavery and anti-Black racism. Non-black Moroccans are convinced that the whole universe is racist except them.”
This attitude persists even as many non-Black Moroccans denigrate their Black fellow citizens based on skin color within their own country. They often view Black Moroccans as descendants of slaves, consider them inferior, and through discriminatory practices, render them virtually invisible in media, films, and high-status professions. Ms. Quatabou points to an AJ+France Webinar on Negrophobia in North Africa where the dominant reaction was “deafening denial.” She concludes, “Non-Black Moroccans are not ready for this kind of debate, but we must have it and it’s time they realized that! At a minimum, we need a law criminalizing anti-Black racism in Morocco.”
Ms. Quatabou is particularly concerned about the plight of Black communities in Morocco’s South-East Draa Valley, the Sahrawis, historically associated with the racial slur Harratine – freed slave/Nigger. Regarding the lack of widespread mobilization against anti-Black racism directed at indigenous Black Moroccans, Ms. Quatabou suggests, “I think that when a person has been discriminated against all his life, he does not dare to put himself forward in the public eye and this is perhaps the case with the Moroccan black community. However, since the Black Lives Matter movement some black Moroccans have begun to speak out against anti-Black racism in Morocco. I am one of them. It’s a very good start. Over time, I hope to create a formal association.”
On the “Black Moroccans” Instagram platform, Ms. Quatabou shares media stories highlighting successful Black Moroccans, and others contribute their personal experiences. Moroccan comedian, writer, and actor Mohamed Bassou has openly discussed the abhorrent racism he has faced. In one instance, during a dispute with a non-Black Moroccan social media influencer, he was subjected to a barrage of racist insults, including being called a “Gorilla face” and told to “go to the hammam for a bath and try to wash until your skin becomes white” to gain popularity.
Renowned Moroccan visual artist M’barek Bouchichi, hailing from an oasis in southeast Morocco, and a proud Southerner, despite his national and international recognition, often feels invisible in his own country:
“Black Moroccans are invisible to the rest of society. Our skin colour itself is a sign of non-existence, of non-belonging. Oftentimes in the streets, people get excited when they hear me speak Darija (Moroccan vernacular). At the airport, police officers mistake me for a tourist or a migrant and ask me to join the line for non-Moroccan passport holders. I learned that I was an outsider from the rest of Moroccan society when my parents moved us from Akka (a town in the south east Tata province) to Agadir. In Agadir, explaining where I’m from and justifying my origins became part of my daily routine. Black Moroccans are outcasts, and it’s very difficult for us to gain visibility or climb the social ladder… For a debate about anti-Black racism to begin in Morocco, there must be a recognition of the extent of the problem. State and society must recognize the existence of black Moroccans and then work to end racism. For example, there needs to be statistics on the number of black Moroccans in positions of authority. How many black gynaecologists are there? How many Imams? I have not heard of one. Blacks continue to occupy lowly positions that are designed specifically for them. This is yet another form of the silent violence that black Moroccans experience.”
Hasna from Casablanca, a visitor to “Black Moroccans,” shares her deeply personal story:
“I need to share my experiences and suffering in the face of Moroccan Negrophobia. Since I was a toddler, I have faced racial insults by non-Black Moroccan friends and acquaintances, sometimes without bad intentions, that have deeply hurt me. I was nicknamed Azzia, incense, baguette of sushi, and many others…I kept my pain to myself, pretended to smile, but was deeply hurt. I cried alone looking at my face in the mirror wondering why I was made ugly. My mother always told me that I was pretty, but if I irritated her, she also would insult my skin colour, saying that I’m a charcoal-coloured Azzia. I learned to survive with the pain, but I felt psychologically destroyed and became aggressive in the face of racial insults. Now, I refuse to tolerate these words. Once, I threw a rock that hit the head of a boy who uttered them. Another boy, to mock me said, ‘I heard that you escaped from the Tindouf encampments (the Sahrawi refugee camps in the Algerian desert).’ A group of non-Black Moroccan girls during gym class made fun of me by saying they heard that I was dying. I have many stories like that. Things changed for the better when I met a teacher of French, Siham El Berrak, the sister of the artist Leila El Berrak. One day Ms. El Berrak looked at me closely and said I was magnificent with a beauty similar to Afro-Americans; that my hair was beautiful and I had pretty eyes. That day was indescribable for me. I couldn’t sleep. I was with the angels. I looked at myself in the mirror and loosened my hair while dancing. I was so happy. I began to say to myself: It’s true I have beautiful eyes… I began to take better care of myself; to reconcile with myself. At the urging of my sister, I wore colourful clothes and stopped wearing the sombre outfits that were my custom. That teacher was a type of psychologist for me and due to her I began to like myself. My advice: Love yourself as you are.”
Jad, a young graphic designer from Casablanca, also shared his experience on “Black Moroccans”:
“I am an Azzi. In school, that’s what they called me instead of my name. I was known to be very sociable and jovial. In the beginning, I accepted being called Azzi. However, overtime I felt that the word began to weigh heavily on me, that it was placing me in the margins of society and I began to feel like a stranger in my own country. Despite all that, I learned to live with it and convinced myself that the word was used affectionately to mean the appreciated, the precious, the cherished, the loved, etc., until the day I was insulted in front of the class by a professor after I had not done my homework the night before: ‘Get out Azzi, son of a slave.’ That day, I understood that there was nothing affectionate about the word and I rebelled. Anybody who called me anything other than Jad had to be prepared to fight me. Gradually, my life began to change and people began to respect my point of view about utilizing that word around me; until the day when I met a nice and beautiful girl and we fell in love and wanted to get married. Unfortunately, her mother absolutely refused by saying to her daughter, her words exactly, ‘You are white and beautiful, but you are going to marry a Black and make me little grandchildren that look like cockroaches.’ I could not believe that the colour of my skin was going to be a handicap in my life to this degree. All of that made me stronger and gave me the capacity to face a racist society that does not want to admit me in. ‘I am Azzi and Proud.’”
Black Arabism: The Mazeej (Mixed) Project – Embracing Hybrid Identities
“Black Arabism: The Mazeej (Mixed) Project” was initiated in January 2020 by Sophia Griss-Bembe, a young woman of mixed heritage, born and raised in France to a Moroccan mother and a father from the Central African Republic. Racism has been a persistent source of conflict within her family, leading to her mother’s estrangement from her family in Morocco for over three decades due to her marriage to a Black man. During visits to Morocco, Ms. Griss-Bembe was deeply affected by the overt racism she encountered:
“My first visit there, was the first time I had been subjected to racial (verbal) violence, in spite of being of Moroccan descent and having a Moroccan mother. I was not prepared for it, and quickly understood that my skin colour would be an obstacle to my integration within Moroccan society. Even compliments could be derogatory, such as, ‘It is your Arab side that made you so beautiful.’”
However, Ms. Griss-Bembe also experienced a positive cultural awakening through Moroccan folklore, particularly Gnawa culture. She began to recognize the multifaceted nature of Moroccan culture and its rich ethnic tapestry. She discovered individuals who mirrored her own blended Arab and African identities. This realization inspired her to create Mazeej, a platform aimed at uniting individuals navigating these hybrid identities. Her goal is to amplify the voices and visibility of Afro-Amazigh and Afro-Arab communities. Her Instagram platform has gained significant traction, especially following the recent Black Lives Matter protests.
Ms. Griss-Bembe offers an insightful perspective on the denial of anti-Black racism in Morocco, observing it even within Black and Brown Moroccan communities:
“Again, a root cause of racism is ignorance and the denial of historical processes that made nations what they have become. Denial is in fact sometimes present among black and brown communities, I found out through Mazeej. Through my work, I was truly hoping to connect communities together, but many black Moroccans deny the very existence of racism or the importance of dealing with racism as an existing and prevailing issue in Morocco. A lot of them still believe that race is only a matter of economic status rather than something to do with blackness. I believe that black Moroccans have a big responsibility in downplaying the racism they experience every day. It is the most frustrating part of my job – it might also be my subjectivity speaking – but I do believe that there should be more consciousness and solidarity among blacks throughout North Africa.”
A visitor to the Mazeej Project shared this reflection:
“I consider myself to be an Afro-Arab/ Berber because my mother is Moroccan, a Sahrawi from Ouarzazate of Métis / Black skin colour. All her family is too. My father is fairly white in colour, belonging to the Abda tribe, an Arab tribe that came to Morocco during the era of the Almohad Empire (1130-1269). According to Ibn Khaldoun (a very great Muslim scholar), the Abda are from Yemen. However, I only grew up with my mother, so I consider myself to be a pure Sahrawi, at least more Sahrawi than Abda. My culture, my religion, my values and my country made me what I am today. And I can add my DNA test to that, which shows that I am a beautiful and proud product of Africa, I have genes from North Africa (Morocco, Algeria and a little bit of Egypt) but also from Sub-Saharan Africa (Ghana, Liberia, Senegal, Guinea …). Since we are all Africans here, we should start talking about a negative phenomenon which has lasted for a long time across all of North Africa. That scourge is racism. To say that there is no racism in Morocco, would be lying to ourselves. I think it is important to talk about it and put everything you have to say on the table.”
Ismail, another contributor to the platform, shared a comment about “Whiteness” in North Africa from a former professor:
“The problem with racists in North Africa is that they’re confused. They think they’re white and then they go to Europe and only then they realize they’re Africans.” This observation highlights a profound identity crisis stemming from European colonization of the Maghreb region decades ago.”
From Personal Narratives to Collective Action: Bridging the Gap
Black Moroccans are moving beyond simply sharing their stories, a groundbreaking step in the nation’s history. They are actively seeking to transform their society, directly confront, and ultimately eradicate anti-Black racism in Morocco. As previously noted, a formal attempt to establish an anti-Black racism association was denied by the Moroccan government in 2012. In 2013, the Moroccan parliament addressed the issue of racism for the first time. The royalist Party of Authenticity and Modernity (PAM), a party linked to the monarchy, proposed legislation to criminalize “racist acts” with potential prison sentences and fines. While superficially appearing to be a positive step, and garnering support from human rights organizations, this initiative, and a similar effort by the Istiqlal party in 2018, are viewed with skepticism by some, seen as potential political maneuvering or a superficial attempt to address a deep-seated issue. Between 2013 and 2018, despite these legislative proposals, no concrete legal changes to penalize racial discrimination were enacted.
The Moroccan monarchy and government have consistently avoided officially acknowledging the existence of anti-Black racism and the urgent need for action. This reluctance, as speculated, might be connected to the sensitive political landscape surrounding the Western Sahara/Southern Provinces issue.
However, concrete reform proposals are emerging from the “Black Moroccans” and “The Mazeej Project” platforms:
- Language Reform: Racist language must be actively challenged and transformed in Morocco. The government should spearhead a national campaign to combat the normalization of verbal assaults that rely on derogatory terms like ‘Abd (slave), Khadam (servant), Azzi, Kahlouch. These words are not harmless jokes; they are instruments of pain and oppression. The same applies to mockery of black skin and Afro-textured hair. Civil society efforts, such as the Ana Massmiytich Azzi (My name is not Nigger) campaign, while impactful, have lost momentum and need revitalization.
- Teacher Training and Education Reform: Some teachers in Morocco, unfortunately, perpetuate virulent anti-Black racism. Racist teachers, even at the primary school level, have been known to shame Black students by suggesting they smell unpleasant, referring to them as Azzi or “children of slaves,” and implying they are unintelligent or incapable of learning. The Ministry of Education must intervene to reform teacher training and curricula to address these issues.
- Legal Criminalization of Anti-Black Racism: Laws explicitly criminalizing anti-Black racism in Morocco are essential.
- Education on Slavery and Racism: Moroccan history curricula must incorporate the history of slavery and anti-Black racism, and these topics need to be openly discussed within Moroccan society.
- Recognition of Diversity and Increased Visibility: Morocco’s diversity must be acknowledged and celebrated by both the state and society, and taught in schools. Black Moroccans need greater representation in media, the arts, and leadership positions across government and business sectors. While formal equality under the law exists, addressing deeply entrenched structural and institutional racism and overcoming the legacies of slavery will likely require affirmative action measures by the government.
- Break the Silence and Raise Awareness: It is imperative to break the taboos and silence surrounding anti-Black racism in Morocco. Sustained and amplified awareness campaigns are crucial to fostering understanding and driving change.
In conclusion, for non-Black Moroccans who perpetuate anti-Black racism, it is crucial to understand that this behavior, while perhaps providing a fleeting sense of superiority, ultimately harms both the victims and the perpetrators. As Eric Fromm eloquently stated, “When a person is deeply invested in his group’s dominance, he has a euphoric ‘on top of the world’ feeling, while in reality he is in a state of self-inflation. This leads to a severe distortion of his capacity to think and to judge. He and his are over-evaluated. Everybody outside is under-evaluated. And underneath may lie the fear that he cannot live up to the constructed ideal of his own perfection.” Confronting and dismantling anti-Black racism is not only a matter of justice and equality for Black Moroccans, but also a path towards a healthier and more just society for all Moroccans.
Endnotes
| ↑1 | This comment was made in a Zoom interview with the Moroccan visual artist, M’barek Bouhchichi on 8-6-2020. |
|---|---|
| ↑2 | Stephanie Pouessel, Noir Au Maghreb (Tunis: IRMC, 2012). |
| ↑3 | This comment was made in a Zoom interview with the Moroccan visual artist, M’barek Bouhchichi on 8-6-2020. |
| ↑4 | Harich, Nourdin, Marta D. Costa, Verónica Fernandes, Mostafa Kandil, Joana B. Pereira, Nuno M. Silva, and Luísa Pereira. 2010. “The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade – Clues from Interpolation Analyses And High-Resolution Characterization Of Mitochondrial DNA Lineages.” BMC Evolutionary Biology 10 (1): 138. DOI:10.1186/1471-2148-10-138. |
| ↑5 | Chouki El Hamel, Black Morocco: A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013). |
| ↑6 | Ibid. |
| ↑7 | Marouan, Maha. 2016. “Incomplete Forgetting: Race and Slavery in Morocco.” Islamic Africa 7 (2): 267–271. doi:10.1163/21540993-00702002. |
| ↑8 | Ibid. |
| ↑9 | Stephanie Pouessel, Noir Au Maghreb (Tunis: IRMC, 2012). |
| ↑10 | This last goal was conveyed to me in an online interview, 8-1-2020. |
| ↑11 | https://bit.ly/2YC3AFN |
| ↑12 | https://www.jadaliyya.com/Details/29222 |
| ↑13 | Alessandra Bajec, “As Tunisia Makes Racism Illegal, Where Are Morocco and Algeria?” 29 October 2018, https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/as-tunisia-makes-racism-illegal-where-are-morocco-and-algeria-21157 |
| ↑14 | Stephen J. King, “Black Arabs and African Migrants: between slavery and racism in North Africa, The Journal of North African Studies 2019/10/04 DOI: 10.1080/13629387.2019.1670645 |
| ↑15 | Eric Fromm, quoted in Isabel Wilkerson, “America’s Enduring Caste System.” New York Times, July 1, 2020. |
