Atlanta, Georgia, August 16, 1967.
Dr. Abernathy, our esteemed Vice President, fellow delegates to this tenth annual session of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, brothers and sisters from across the South and the United States: a decade ago, in the biting cold of January, following the year-long Montgomery bus boycott, around one hundred Black leaders from the South convened in this very church. They recognized a pressing need: an organization to channel and coordinate local protest movements across the South. From this meeting, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was born.
Ten years ago, racial segregation was deeply entrenched in the Southern societal structure. Black individuals, experiencing hunger and thirst, were barred from ordinary lunch counters. Downtown restaurants were inaccessible to Black people. Weary travelers were denied accommodation in highway motels and city hotels. Black children, yearning for recreation, were prohibited from enjoying city parks. Black individuals seeking knowledge were met with a firm “no” at city libraries. A decade prior, Southern legislative halls echoed with terms like “interposition” and “nullification.” Every conceivable method was employed to prevent Black citizens from registering to vote. Ten years ago, no Black person served in Southern legislative bodies, except as support staff. A decade ago, countless Black individuals lived under the constant shadow of fear and a debilitating sense of worthlessness.
But the landscape has shifted dramatically. Through relentless efforts, the crumbling walls of segregation have been toppled. The entire structure of segregation has been profoundly shaken. This transformation has had a tangible impact on the daily lives of every Black person in the South. Public establishments now open to Black individuals are too numerous to count. A decade ago, Black people were largely invisible to mainstream society, their harsh realities unknown to most of the nation. Today, civil rights dominates public discourse, filling newspapers and shaping conversations across America. In this transformative decade, Black people rose up, confronting their oppressors. They faced down bullies, guns, dogs, and tear gas. They stood firm against violent mobs, moving forward with strength and dignity, ultimately defeating them. This courageous stand against enraged mobs shattered the demeaning stereotype of the subservient “Uncle Tom.” Emerging from this struggle, Black individuals achieved a profound inner integration, a victory that paved the way for all subsequent advancements.
In essence, over the past ten years, Black people chose to straighten their backs, recognizing that no one can ride your back unless it is bent. We compelled our government to enact new laws, rectifying some of the most brutal injustices we faced. We stirred an indifferent and apathetic nation, forcing its conscience to confront the moral imperative of civil rights. We gained dignity in a nation that had persistently demeaned us as “boy.” It would be disingenuous to deny SCLC’s pivotal role in the watershed movements that brought about these monumental changes in the South. We can rightfully take pride in this. However, despite a decade of significant progress, the struggle for true equality is far from over. The deep unrest simmering in our cities underscores that the plant of freedom has only begun to bud, not yet blossom into full flower.
Before we delve into the immense responsibilities that lie ahead, let us reflect on our programmatic actions and activities of the past year. Last year, meeting in Jackson, Mississippi, we were acutely aware of the arduous struggle of our brothers and sisters in Grenada, Mississippi. After enduring a century or more under the yoke of complete segregation, the Black citizens of this northern Delta community united in nonviolent resistance against racial discrimination, guided by our local affiliate chapter. This non-destructive rebellion was as remarkable as its outcomes. In a few short weeks, the Grenada County Movement challenged every facet of the society’s exploitative system. Stores denying employment were boycotted, and voter registration surged by thousands. We must never forget the courageous actions of the people of Grenada, which spurred our nation and its federal courts to take decisive action for school integration, making Grenada home to one of the most integrated school systems in America. While the battle continues, the Black community of Grenada has achieved forty of their fifty-three demands through unwavering nonviolent efforts.
Our Southern affiliates have steadily continued their vital work of building and organizing. Seventy-nine counties conducted voter registration drives, and double that number engaged in political education and get-out-the-vote initiatives. Contrary to some media narratives, our staff remains predominantly Southern-based. One hundred and five individuals have worked across the South under the leadership of Hosea Williams. Our staff, initially focused on voter registration, has evolved into a multifaceted program addressing the holistic needs of communities, encompassing farm cooperatives, business development, tutoring, credit unions, and more. Special commendation is due to the ninety-nine communities and their dedicated staff who maintain regular mass meetings throughout the year, fostering community engagement and empowerment.
Our Citizenship Education Program (CEP) continues to provide the bedrock of adult education and community organization upon which lasting social change must be built. This year, five hundred local leaders received training at Dorchester and ten community centers through CEP. They were trained in essential areas such as literacy, consumer education, and planned parenthood. This program, skillfully directed by Mrs. Dorothy Cotton, Mrs. Septima Clark, and their eight-person staff, continues to serve ten Southern states. A crucial auxiliary function of CEP is assisting impoverished communities and counties in securing and implementing O.E.O. projects. With the expert guidance of our invaluable staff member, Miss Mew Soong-Li, Lowndes and Wilcox counties in Alabama have pioneered exemplary poverty programs, entirely controlled and operated by local residents.
Perhaps the area where my efforts have been most concentrated is in the cities of Chicago and Cleveland. Chicago has proven to be an invaluable testing ground for our work in the North. While there have been no seismic victories, neither has there been failure. Our open housing marches, which culminated in an agreement compelling the power structure of Chicago to concede to the civil rights movement, are now beginning to yield results. Following delays around election periods, the Leadership Conference, formed to address our demands for an open city, has finally begun to implement the agreed-upon programs from last summer.
However, the most significant aspect of our work extends beyond this. As a direct result of our tenant union organizing, we have initiated a four-million-dollar rehabilitation project. This project will renovate dilapidated buildings and provide tenants with the opportunity to become homeowners. This pilot project served as the inspiration for the new homeownership bill recently introduced in Congress by Senator Percy.
The most dramatic success in Chicago has been Operation Breadbasket. Through Operation Breadbasket, we have secured over twenty-two hundred new jobs for the Black community of Chicago, generating approximately eighteen million dollars in new annual income for the community. Beyond job creation, this economic program has fostered the growth of financial institutions controlled by Black individuals and responsive to the economic challenges faced by the Black community. Two Chicago banks committed to supporting Black businesses were limited in their lending capacity due to asset constraints. Hi-Lo, a chain store in Chicago, agreed to maintain substantial accounts in these two banks, significantly increasing their ability to serve the needs of the Black community. Thanks to Operation Breadbasket in Chicago, both of these Black-operated banks have more than doubled their assets in less than a year.
Furthermore, ministers discovered that Black scavengers were denied significant contracts in their own communities. Whites controlled even the garbage disposal in Black neighborhoods. Consequently, chain stores agreed to contract with Black scavengers to service at least the stores in predominantly Black areas. Black insect and rodent exterminators, as well as janitorial services, previously excluded from major contracts with chain stores, were also included in these agreements. It also became evident that chain stores rarely advertised in Black-owned community newspapers. This area of neglect was addressed through negotiations, securing regular, substantial advertising contracts for community newspapers. Finally, ministers found that Black contractors, from painters to masons, electricians to excavators, were limited in their growth by the monopolies held by white contractors. Breadbasket negotiated agreements for new construction and rehabilitation work for chain stores, opening up opportunities for Black contractors. These interconnected aspects of economic development, grounded in the power of organized consumers, hold immense potential for addressing the economic challenges faced by Black communities in other Northern cities. The demands made by Breadbasket in Chicago can be applied not only to chain stores but to almost any major industry in any city across the nation.
Operation Breadbasket’s program is simple yet powerful. It operates on the principle: “If you respect my dollar, you must respect my person.” It declares that we will no longer spend our money where we cannot secure meaningful jobs and economic opportunities.
In Cleveland, Ohio, a group of ministers established an Operation Breadbasket program and targeted a major dairy company. Their demands included job creation, advertising in Black newspapers, and depositing funds in Black financial institutions. This initiative yielded remarkable results. During a visit to Cleveland last week to finalize an agreement with Sealtest, we discovered that of their 442 employees, only forty-three were Black, despite Black people comprising thirty-five percent of Cleveland’s population. When Sealtest refused to provide all the requested information, we made our position clear: “Mr. Sealtest, we will not resort to violence or vandalism. However, we will picket your stores, distribute leaflets, and use our pulpits to urge the community to boycott Sealtest products.”
This is precisely what we did. We mobilized the churches. Reverend Dr. Hoover, pastor of the largest church in Cleveland (who is present today), and all the ministers united behind this program. We approached every store in the Black community, demanding they remove Sealtest products from their shelves, threatening a boycott of their entire store if they refused. A&P initially resisted. We established picket lines around A&P stores; in one day, eighteen out of their hundred-plus stores in Cleveland were effectively shut down due to the boycott. The next day, A&P reached out to us. Bob Brown, a member of our board and a public relations professional representing various firms, was brought in. Unbeknownst to A&P, Bob Brown also worked with us. When A&P sought his advice, asking, “Mr. Brown, what would you advise us to do?”, he responded, “I would advise you to remove Sealtest products from all of your counters.” A&P agreed the next day to remove Sealtest products not only from stores in Black communities but from every A&P store in Cleveland. They further informed Sealtest that if they did not reach an agreement with SCLC and Operation Breadbasket, A&P would remove Sealtest products from every A&P store in the state of Ohio.
The following day, Sealtest representatives were much more receptive and humble. I am proud to report that just last Tuesday in Cleveland, alongside approximately seventy ministers, we signed the agreement with Sealtest. This agreement will generate numerous jobs, bringing nearly half a million dollars of new income annually to the Black community. We also conveyed to Sealtest, “The Black community is like a domestic colony, constantly drained of resources without replenishment. You often tell us to lift ourselves by our bootstraps, yet we are systematically robbed. You must reinvest in the Black community.” Therefore, in addition to demanding jobs, we insisted that Sealtest deposit funds in Black-owned savings and loan associations and advertise in the Cleveland Call & Post, the local Black newspaper. Alongside new jobs, Sealtest has now deposited thousands of dollars in a Black-owned bank in Cleveland and begun advertising in the city’s Black newspaper. This is the power of Operation Breadbasket in action.
To dispel any notion that Operation Breadbasket is limited to Chicago and Cleveland, I want to share its success in the South, specifically in Atlanta, Georgia. Here, our focus has been divided between government employment and private industry. While time does not permit a detailed account, I commend the dedicated individuals working on this initiative here in Atlanta: Reverend Bennett, Reverend Joe Boone, Reverend J.C. Ward, Reverend Dorsey, Reverend Greer, and many others who have stood firm alongside their fellow ministers. The untold story in Atlanta is that Operation Breadbasket has generated approximately twenty-five million dollars of new annual income for the Black community over the past three years.
Operation Breadbasket has expanded nationally, marked by a national conference in Chicago where we agreed to launch a nationwide program, details of which will be forthcoming.
Finally, SCLC has ventured into housing. Under the leadership of attorney James Robinson, we have contracted to build 152 units of low-income housing, including apartments for the elderly, on a prime downtown Atlanta site, sponsored by Ebenezer Baptist Church. This is the inaugural project of a proposed Southwide Housing Development Corporation, envisioned in partnership with SCLC. Through this corporation, we aim to construct housing from Mississippi to North Carolina, utilizing Black workmen, architects, attorneys, and financial institutions throughout. We are optimistic that within the next two to three years, we can build forty million dollars worth of new housing for Black people across the South, generating millions more in income for the Black community.
There are many more accomplishments I could detail, but time is limited. This overview provides an account of SCLC’s work over the past year, a record of which we can all be proud.
Despite our struggles and achievements, we must confront the reality that Black people still reside in the basement of the Great Society. We remain at the bottom, even with the few who have ascended to slightly higher positions. Even where doors have been partially opened, upward mobility for Black people remains severely restricted. Often, there is no foundation to begin from, and even when there is, opportunities at the top are scarce. Consequently, Black people remain impoverished aliens in an affluent society. We are too economically disadvantaged to rise with society, too burdened by historical injustices to ascend using our own limited resources. This poverty is not self-inflicted; it is a product of systemic oppression. For over half of our American history, we were enslaved. Yet, it was our labor that built the expansive bridges, grand mansions, robust docks, and factories of the South. Our unpaid labor made cotton “King” and established America as a major force in international commerce. Even after emancipation, the nation progressed over and around us, effectively submerging us. It became the wealthiest and most powerful society in human history, yet it left Black people far behind.
Therefore, we still have a long and arduous journey ahead to reach the promised land of freedom. We have departed the oppressive lands of Egypt and crossed a Red Sea, once hardened by a long winter of massive resistance. However, before we reach the majestic shores of the promised land, formidable mountains of opposition and towering hills of injustice still stand in our path. We still need a modern-day Paul Revere of conscience to awaken every community across America to the ongoing revolution for justice. We need a map, a compass, a North Star to guide us into a future shrouded in uncertainty.
Now, to address the critical question, Where Do We Go From Here?, our central theme, we must first honestly assess our present location. When the Constitution was drafted, a peculiar formula declared Black people to be sixty percent of a person for taxation and representation purposes. Today, another insidious formula seems to declare us fifty percent of a person in terms of societal value. We receive approximately half the benefits of white Americans, yet bear double the burdens. Half of all Black people live in substandard housing and earn half the income of white people. When we consider negative life experiences, Black people disproportionately suffer: unemployment rates are double, infant mortality rates are double, and twice as many Black individuals are dying in Vietnam compared to white individuals relative to population size.
In education, the disparities are equally alarming. Black children in elementary schools lag one to three years behind their white counterparts, and segregated Black schools receive significantly less funding per student than white schools. One-twentieth as many Black people as white people attend college. Among employed Black individuals, seventy-five percent are relegated to menial jobs. This is our current reality.
Where do we go from here? First, we must assert our dignity and inherent worth on a massive scale. We must stand tall within a system that continues to oppress us and cultivate an unwavering and majestic sense of self-value. We must no longer be ashamed of our Blackness. The task of instilling self-worth in a people who have been taught for centuries that they are nobody is not easy.
Even language itself has conspired to make blackness seem undesirable and degrading. In Roget’s Thesaurus, there are approximately 120 synonyms for blackness, with at least sixty being offensive, such as blot, soot, grim, devil, and foul. Conversely, there are around 134 synonyms for whiteness, all carrying favorable connotations, expressed in words like purity, cleanliness, chastity, and innocence. A white lie is considered less egregious than a black lie. The most disreputable family member is labeled the “black sheep.” Ossie Davis aptly suggested that perhaps the English language needs restructuring so that educators are not compelled to teach Black children sixty ways to despise themselves, perpetuating a false sense of inferiority, and white children 134 ways to adore themselves, perpetuating a false sense of superiority. The tendency to ignore Black contributions to American life and strip Black people of their personhood is as old as history books and as current as this morning’s news.
To counteract this cultural erasure, Black people must rise with a powerful affirmation of their inherent dignity. Any movement for Black liberation that overlooks this essential need is destined to fail. As long as the mind remains enslaved, the body can never be truly free. Psychological liberation, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most potent weapon against the enduring night of physical oppression. No Emancipation Proclamation, no civil rights bill can fully grant this kind of freedom. Black people will only be truly liberated when we reach deep within ourselves and sign our own emancipation proclamation with the pen and ink of assertive self-worth. With a spirit striving for genuine self-esteem, we must boldly cast off the shackles of self-denial and declare to ourselves and the world, “I am somebody. I am a person. I am a man with dignity and honor. I have a rich and noble history, however painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, my ancestors were enslaved, and I am not ashamed of that. I am ashamed of those who were sinful enough to enslave them.” We must stand tall and proclaim, “I am Black, and I am Black and beautiful.” This self-affirmation is the Black person’s imperative, made urgent by the historical and ongoing crimes committed against us.
Another fundamental challenge is to devise strategies for organizing our collective strength into economic and political power. No one can deny the dire need for Black people to acquire legitimate power. Indeed, one of the most significant obstacles facing Black people is our lack of power. From the old plantations of the South to the modern ghettos of the North, Black people have been relegated to a life of voicelessness and powerlessness. Denied the right to make decisions about our lives and destinies, we have been subjected to the authoritarian and often arbitrary decisions of the white power structure. The plantation and the ghetto were created by those wielding power, both to confine those without power and to perpetuate their powerlessness. Transforming the ghetto, therefore, is fundamentally a struggle for power, a confrontation between forces demanding change and forces committed to maintaining the status quo. Power, rightly understood, is simply the ability to achieve purpose. It is the strength needed to bring about social, political, and economic change. Walter Reuther aptly defined power as “the ability of a labor union like UAW to make the most powerful corporation in the world, General Motors, say, ‘Yes’ when it wants to say ‘No.'”
Many of us are ministers, and all of us hold moral convictions and concerns. We often grapple with the concept of power. However, there is nothing inherently wrong with power when used justly and ethically.
The misconception arises from a historical philosophical error. One of history’s great failings is the persistent contrast between love and power, often presented as polar opposites. Love is equated with relinquishing power, and power with denying love. This flawed interpretation led philosopher Nietzsche, a proponent of the will to power, to reject the Christian concept of love. Conversely, this same misinterpretation led Christian theologians to reject Nietzsche’s philosophy of the will to power in the name of Christian love.
We must rectify this misunderstanding. We must recognize that power without love is reckless and abusive, while love without power is sentimental and ineffective. Power at its best is love actualizing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is love correcting anything that opposes love. This is the understanding we must carry forward.
Historically, this misunderstanding has led Black Americans to pursue their goals through love and moral persuasion devoid of power, while white Americans have often sought their goals through power devoid of love and conscience. Today, this same distorted view is leading some extremists to advocate for Black people the same destructive and unconscionable power they have rightly condemned in white society. This collision of immoral power with powerless morality constitutes the central crisis of our time.
Moving forward, we must develop a program—time constraints prevent me from elaborating fully—that propels the nation toward a guaranteed annual income. Earlier in the century, this proposal would have been ridiculed and denounced as undermining initiative and responsibility. Economic status was then seen as a direct measure of individual ability and talent. Poverty was attributed to a lack of industriousness and moral character. Our understanding of human motivation and the systemic flaws of our economic system has evolved significantly. We now recognize that market failures and pervasive discrimination force people into idleness and trap them in persistent unemployment against their will. Poverty is less frequently dismissed as a result of individual inferiority or incompetence. We also understand that even with dynamic economic growth, poverty is not automatically eliminated.
This understanding necessitates a two-pronged approach: we must create full employment, or we must create incomes. People must be empowered as consumers through one means or another. Once this economic security is established, we must ensure that individual potential is not wasted. New forms of work that contribute to the social good must be developed for those unable to find traditional employment. In 1879, Henry George presciently described this reality in Progress and Poverty:
The fact is that the work which improves the condition of mankind, the work which extends knowledge and increases power and enriches literature and elevates thought, is not done to secure a living. It is not the work of slaves driven to their tasks either by the, that of a taskmaster or by animal necessities. It is the work of men who somehow find a form of work that brings a security for its own sake and a state of society where want is abolished.
This kind of socially beneficial work could be greatly expanded. We will likely find that addressing issues like housing and education will be facilitated, not hindered, by first eliminating poverty. When the poor are transformed into empowered consumers, they will be better equipped to address issues like housing decay within their communities. Black people, facing the dual burdens of poverty and racial discrimination, will have greater leverage to combat discrimination with the added power of economic resources.
Beyond these tangible benefits, widespread economic security will foster profound positive psychological changes. Individual dignity will flourish when people have control over their lives, when their income is stable and secure, and when they have the means to pursue self-improvement. Interpersonal conflicts within families, often rooted in financial strain and the unjust measurement of human worth by wealth, will diminish.
Our nation has the capacity to implement a guaranteed annual income. John Kenneth Galbraith estimated that it could be achieved for approximately twenty billion dollars annually. I assert today that if our nation can spend thirty-five billion dollars a year on an unjust and immoral war in Vietnam and twenty billion dollars to send a man to the moon, it can certainly invest billions to uplift God’s children and establish economic justice here on earth.
Furthermore, we must reaffirm our commitment to nonviolence. The futility of violence in the struggle for racial justice has been tragically demonstrated in the recent riots in Black communities. Yesterday, I analyzed the root causes of these riots. Today, I want to address another crucial aspect: the inherent tragedy of a riot. Riots are characterized by screaming youth and angry adults fighting desperately and aimlessly against insurmountable odds. Deep within, one senses a desire for self-destruction, a kind of suicidal impulse.
Some argue that the 1965 Watts riot and subsequent riots in other cities were effective forms of civil rights action. However, proponents of this view struggle to identify any concrete gains resulting from these riots. At best, riots have yielded some additional anti-poverty funding from fearful government officials and the installation of a few water sprinklers to cool the streets of the ghettos. This is akin to improving the food in a prison while the inmates remain incarcerated. Riots have not achieved any tangible improvements comparable to those won through organized nonviolent protest demonstrations.
When advocates of violence are pressed to explain what effective violent actions would entail, their responses are often illogical. Some speak of overthrowing racist state and local governments through guerrilla warfare. They fail to recognize that no internal revolution has ever succeeded in violently overthrowing a government unless that government had already lost the loyalty and effective control of its armed forces. It is naive to believe this scenario is plausible in the United States. In a violent racial conflict, the power structure can deploy local police, state troopers, the National Guard, and ultimately, the army—all overwhelmingly white. Moreover, successful violent revolutions typically require the sympathy and support of a non-violent majority. While Castro may have had a relatively small number of fighters in the Cuban hills, he would never have overthrown the Batista regime without the widespread support of the Cuban people. It is patently clear that a violent revolution by Black Americans would garner neither sympathy nor support from the white population and very little from the majority of Black people themselves.
This is not a time for romantic delusions or empty philosophical debates about freedom. This is a time for strategic action. What is needed is a comprehensive strategy for change, a tactical program to bring Black people into the mainstream of American life as swiftly as possible. To date, only the nonviolent movement has offered such a viable path. Without recognizing this, we risk embracing solutions that do not solve, answers that do not answer, and explanations that do not explain.
Therefore, I reaffirm today my unwavering commitment to nonviolence. I remain convinced that nonviolence is the most potent weapon available to Black people in our struggle for justice in this nation.
Furthermore, my concern extends to creating a better world for all. I am deeply concerned about justice, brotherhood, and truth. With these concerns at the forefront, one can never advocate violence. Violence may eliminate a murderer, but it cannot eradicate murder itself. Violence may silence a liar, but it cannot establish truth. Violence may kill a hater, but it cannot extinguish hate through violence. Darkness cannot dispel darkness; only light can achieve that.
I have chosen to embrace love, for I believe that love is ultimately the only answer to humanity’s deepest problems. I will continue to advocate for love wherever I go, even when it is unpopular. I am not speaking of sentimental emotionality but of a powerful, demanding love. I have witnessed too much hate—hate in the eyes of sheriffs in the South, hate in the faces of Klansmen and White Citizens Councilors. I refuse to succumb to hate myself, for I recognize the destructive impact of hate on individuals and society. Hate is too heavy a burden to bear. I have decided to love. If you seek the highest good, it is found through love. And the profound truth is that in choosing love, we align ourselves with the divine, for as John declared, God is love. He who hates does not know God, but he who loves possesses the key to unlocking the ultimate meaning of reality.
Therefore, my friends, even if you possess the eloquence of human and angelic tongues, if you lack love, it signifies nothing. You may possess the gift of prophecy, scientific prediction, and profound understanding of the universe; you may unlock nature’s secrets and unveil countless new insights; you may reach the pinnacle of academic achievement and amass vast knowledge—but without love, all of these accomplishments are ultimately meaningless. You may donate your possessions to the poor, bestow great gifts to charity, and achieve renown for your philanthropy—but without love, your charity is empty. You may even sacrifice your body and die a martyr’s death, your spilled blood becoming a symbol of honor for generations to come, celebrated as a historical hero—but if you lack love, your sacrifice is in vain. A person can be self-centered in self-denial and self-righteous in self-sacrifice. Generosity can become ego-driven, and piety can become prideful.
As I approach my conclusion, and as we consider where do we go from here?, we must honestly confront the fact that our movement must address the fundamental restructuring of American society. There are forty million impoverished people in this nation, and we must ask, “Why does such poverty exist in America?” This question inevitably leads us to examine the economic system and the unequal distribution of wealth. It compels us to question the very foundations of our capitalistic economy. I contend that we must increasingly question the structures of our society. We are called to aid the discouraged and marginalized in life’s marketplace. But we must also recognize that a system that produces beggars requires fundamental restructuring. This necessitates asking critical questions: “Who controls the oil? Who controls the iron ore? Why must people pay for water in a world that is two-thirds water?” These are essential questions that must be voiced.
Let me be clear: I am not advocating for communism. My vision extends far beyond communism. My inspiration is not rooted in Karl Marx, Engels, Trotsky, or Lenin. While I studied Communist Manifesto and Das Kapital long ago, I recognized Marx’s incomplete understanding of Hegel. Marx adopted Hegel’s dialectics but omitted his idealism and spiritualism, instead embracing Feuerbach’s materialism, creating a system he termed “dialectical materialism.” I reject this materialistic interpretation.
Communism, in its essence, overlooks the individual nature of life. Capitalism, conversely, ignores the social nature of life. The true kingdom of brotherhood lies not in the thesis of communism or the antithesis of capitalism but in a higher synthesis—a synthesis that integrates the truths of both. Questioning the whole of society ultimately means recognizing the interconnectedness of racism, economic exploitation, and war. These are the triple evils that are inextricably linked.
Allow me to speak briefly as a preacher. One night, a seeker named Nicodemus came to Jesus, asking how to be saved. Jesus did not focus on a list of isolated prohibitions. He didn’t say, “Nicodemus, stop lying, stop committing adultery, stop cheating, stop excessive drinking.” Instead, Jesus addressed something far more fundamental because he understood that if a person will lie, they will also steal. And if a person will steal, they will also kill. Rather than focusing on individual actions, Jesus said, “Nicodemus, you must be born again.”
In essence, “Your entire structure must be transformed.” A nation that enslaves people for 244 years inevitably dehumanizes them, treating them as mere objects. This dehumanization leads to economic exploitation and systemic poverty. A nation that engages in economic exploitation will inevitably pursue foreign investments and utilize military force to protect those interests. All of these problems are interconnected.
Therefore, we must leave this convention and declare, “America, you must be born again!”
In conclusion, we have a profound task before us. Let us depart with a divine discontent.
Let us remain dissatisfied until America no longer suffers from a high blood pressure of creeds and an anemia of deeds.
Let us remain dissatisfied until the tragic walls separating the affluent outer city from the impoverished inner city are shattered by the battering rams of justice.
Let us remain dissatisfied until those living on the margins of hope are brought into the heart of daily security.
Let us remain dissatisfied until slums are relegated to the junkyards of history, and every family resides in a decent, sanitary home.
Let us remain dissatisfied until the dark yesterdays of segregated schools are transformed into bright tomorrows of quality integrated education.
Let us remain dissatisfied until integration is not viewed as a problem but as an opportunity to embrace the beauty of diversity.
Let us remain dissatisfied until individuals, regardless of their skin color, are judged by the content of their character. Let us remain dissatisfied.
Let us remain dissatisfied until every state capitol is led by a governor who acts justly, loves mercy, and walks humbly with their God.
Let us remain dissatisfied until justice rolls down from every city hall like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
Let us remain dissatisfied until the day when the lion and the lamb lie down together, and every person can dwell peacefully under their own vine and fig tree, unafraid.
Let us remain dissatisfied, recognizing that from one blood, God created all people to inhabit the earth.
Let us remain dissatisfied until the day when no one shouts “White Power!” or “Black Power!” but everyone speaks of God’s power and human power unified.
I must confess, my friends, that the road ahead will not always be easy. There will be challenging periods of frustration and confusing points of bewilderment. Setbacks are inevitable. There will be moments when hope wanes and despair sets in. Our dreams may be shattered, and our aspirations dashed. We may again, with tearful eyes, mourn the loss of courageous civil rights workers, victims of violence. Yet, despite these difficulties and pain, we must move forward with audacious faith in the future. As we continue on our charted course, we can find solace in the words of James Weldon Johnson, a great Black poet and freedom fighter:
Stony the road we trod,
Bitter the chastening rod,
Felt in the days
When hope unborn had died.
Yet with a steady beat,
Have not our weary feet
Come to the place
For which our fathers sighed?
We have come over a way
That with tears has been watered.
We have come treading our paths
Through the blood of the slaughtered.
Out from the gloomy past,
Till now we stand at last
Where the bright gleam
Of our bright star is cast.
Let this affirmation be our resounding cry. It will empower us to face the uncertainties ahead. It will renew strength in our weary feet as we continue our march toward the city of freedom. When our days are clouded with despair and our nights are darker than midnight, let us remember that there is a creative force in this universe working to dismantle the mountains of evil, a power capable of making a way out of no way and transforming dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows.
Let us recognize that the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. Let us remember William Cullen Bryant’s words: “Truth, crushed to earth, will rise again.” Let us go forth knowing the Bible’s truth: “Be not deceived; God is not mocked. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.” This is our hope for the future, and with this faith, we will sing in the not-too-distant future, with a triumphant past tense, “We have overcome! We have overcome! Deep in my heart, I did believe we would overcome.”
